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Part 1 of 6.

For the rest of the interview, click here. Since your earlier writings in the s, you have studied the works of the great geopolitical thinkers of the past, men such as Sir Halford Mackinder, Professor Nicholas Spykman, and General Karl Haushofer. How have their theories influenced your own concepts?

The roots of geopolitics go back to well before the time of Mackinder, Spykman, and Haushofer. For some, thiriarr started with Dietrich von Bulow, while for others he was only one stage in its development. In he published Der Geist Des Neueren Kriegssystems [ The Spirit Of Modern Warfare ], Von Bulow had fully realized that because of the modern military system the sudden appearance of the new jfan of warfare introduced by the massive revolutionary armies of the First French Republic the age of small states was over.

In his book he describes, logically, what Europe would, in fact, become from onwards, notably that both Italy and Germany would be unified countries. In many had smiled or laughed at such a concept.

Jean Thiriart

Among the thinkers of the geopolitical school, we must also mention Friedrich List. What many do not know is that inin the United States, he had published another book: List lived in the United States and became an American citizen. At the behest of Andrew Jackson he was appointed as consul to Germany, where he served from to List had suffered, deeply and personally, because of the division and political misery of the Germany he had known during his youth.

Until his death he remained a German at heart, both in a passionate and realistic way. He was a fierce defender of the Zollverein. For List, and for myself, power comes before wealth. In fact, wealth is useless without the unity and the power of the nation. The ability of a nation to make war is measured according to its ability to produce wealth. List wanted to see England no longer able to lay down the law in the Mediterranean.

He announced the eventual fall of England and the coming of American supremacy a good century ahead of time. List was also the spiritual father of the Berlin-to-Baghdad railroad project. Geopolitics is an easy science for the person who belongs to a rational school of thought. Everything is revealed in maps. For me it is incongruous, inconceivable that one can write a history book without profusely illustrating it with maps. Yet, this is precisely what 95, if not 98, percent of the authors do, thus proving their lack both of thoroughness and serious approach.


Chance had me born a Belgian, in a small country. I have suffered deeply because of this since my teenage years. By age 18,1 was already looking for a large country.

For a larger country. Germany exercised a great romantic fascination over me at the time. The best known branch is that of Mutzhagen. Remember that Charles Martel and Charlemagne were also born in that region. However, better than anyone else, from toI wrote important papers to show that it was German nationalism that prevented the birth of a united Europe between July and May The title of my German book Das Vierte Reich: Europa [ The Fourth Reich: Europe ] accurately symbolizes my thought: There will never be another German Reich.

Haushofer was an author who wanted to mix a science and a passion, the German passion. That is antinomical; contradictory. A science by definition is universal. It is made by all and for all. And the same is true for astronomy, ballistics, optics, medicine, optometry, physics, and chemistry. These intellectual disciplines all belong to the entire human race; there is no place in them for any idiotic nationalism. Scientific geopolitics ought to be able to be understood — and above all be able to be used — equally well by leaders in Peking, Moscow, and Washington — and tomorrow by leaders in Brussels.

Yet the Mediterranean is the belly of Europe. Haushofer has sometimes written things as stupid as those we find in the archaic thought of de Gaulle. He pinpointed the mistake of William II, repeated by Hitler: In his book, Haushofer describes the birth of the Soviet school of geopolitics.

What I mainly retain from Haushofer is the maxim of the military leaders during the birth of the Roman Republic: Another author, little known but worth remembering in geopolitics, is Anton Zischka, born in Vienna in InAfrica was still totally controlled by the Belgians, the French, and the Portuguese.

InEastern Europe was already lost to us. Ten years later, the idea would no longer be valid. Another geopolitician, probably not known to the American public, is General Jordis von Lohausen, one of my friends. He has greatly praised my European concepts in his Titings. I particularly enjoy Latin maxims. The General quotes an extremely choice one: Von Lohausen is a disciple of Haushofer, whose student he was. He remains very German — like Haushofer but I had the honor of influencing him somewhat, intellectually that is, with my work of In part, the General has been influenced by me.

Here is what von Lohausen writes, influenced by my own thoughts which in turn had been influenced by Ortega y Gasset: It can, of course, be all that, but first and foremost, it is a unity of will. Later this was the thought of Sieyes, and then mine. At any rate, several of his old friends who had gone over to the SA or the SS were able to save his life.


First and foremost, the American reader should be made aware of the unity of thought of four geopoliticians: Haushofer, Niekisch, von Lohausen, and myself, Thiriart: The Soviet Union is an intrinsic part of our territorial concept. By I had already excluded the concept of a Europe against the Soviet Union.

Now a Europe without the Soviet Union is excluded from my thinking. An independent Europe, allied by mutual agreement with its neighbor, is the only Europe that counts.

Jean Thiriart, the Machiavelli of United Europe | Counter-Currents Publishing

For the Russians, only such a Europe dispenses with the need for a military presence either of a supervisory nature or in order to weld it together. Only such a Europe is an all-around winner. The Kremlin is much mistaken for never having felt the need to work for the creation of this type of Europe.

I tried to convince the Soviet historian Vsevolod Kniajinski about this when he came to see me in Brussels in April, Politics And International Relations ]. I failed to convince him in spite of my efforts. After a day of historical discussion and an evening in the lounge of the Villa-Lorraine — one of my favorite restaurants — nothing came of it.

He dedicated his book to me.

I dedicated mine to him. Thankfully, I have other connections over there. Nevertheless, on page of the French edition, the Soviet professor points out that England is being used as a Trojan horse by the Americans in present-day Europe. Kniajinskfs attitude toward Europe is reminiscent of that taken by Richelieu or Mazarin toward Germany.

His bibliographical index is very well documented. Lieutenants Morgenstem and Tiriart. I say stolen advisedly, not confiscated. Leben And Wer k. In all 1, pages. The way I see it, geopolitics should try to imagine and delineate States that would be viable both from an economic and military point of view.

It should plot out the minimal size of such states. It should also determine where to place maximal frontiers, those beyond which productivity begins to be hhiriart risk. Geopolitics must also lead to redistribution of zones of influence. Geopolitics must help to create larger units.

In economics there are critical thresholds below which economic thitiart, and consequently tthiriart survival, are no longer even possible. The — war killed 40 to 45 million men. The next war would kill million.

The struggle of Jean Thiriart

The white race would be eliminated from history. It thigiart the American authors, thinkers, polemists, and military men who are most dangerous at the moment.

War has hardly ravaged the United States.

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